Von Fintel and Iatridou (2003) observed a striking pattern of scopal noninteraction between phrases headed by strong quantifiers like every and epistemically interpreted modal auxiliaries. Tancredi (2007) and Huitink (2008) observed that von Fintel and Iatridou's proposed constraint, the Epistemic Containment Principle (ECP), does not apply uniformly: it does not apply to strong quantifiers headed by each. We consider the ECP effect in light of the differential behavior of each and every in the environment of wh-, negative, and generic operators as described by Beghelli and Stowell (1997). Assuming that epistemic and root modals merge at two different syntactic heights (e.g. Cinque 1999) and that modals may act as unselective binders (Heim 1982), we extend Beghelli and Stowell's topological approach to quantifier scope interactions in order to formulate a novel syntactic account of the ECP.

Gagnon, M. and A. Wellwood. (2011). Distributivity and modality: where each may go, every can't follow. Proceedings of Semantics and Linguistic Theory 21.

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Gagnon, M. and A. Wellwood. (2010). The typology of distributivity and epistemic containment phenomena. Proceedings of the Canadian Linguistics Association annual meeting.

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Marshallese, an Oceanic language spoken on the atolls of the Marshall Islands, has a question particle, ke, which may appear in one of a number of positions in yes/no interrogatives. Interestingly, the availability of certain positions depends upon whether the sentential context is affirmative or negative. We evaluate Willson (2005)’s remnant movement analysis of the distribution of ke, and formulate a novel approach to the problem whereyes/no interrogatives in Marshallese are built on a core cleft construction, and ke is generated in the middlefield of the matrix clause.

Gagnon, M. and A. Wellwood (2008). Interrogative structures in Marshallese. Proceedings of the Canadian Linguistics Association annual meeting.

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